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Charles E. Coughlin

Charles E. Coughlin


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Charles Edward Coughlin was one of the first people to develop a mass following on the radio and to turn it to political purposes. He served in various parishes before being assigned to the Shrine of the Little Flower in Detroit, Michigan, in 1923.He began his radio broadcasts in 1926 and at first confined himself to religious topics. Initially, he favored Roosevelt`s New Deal, but when FDR appeared to friendly to bankers, Coughlin turned increasingly against him.In 1936, Father Coughlin formed the Union Party along with supporters of the Townsend plan and Gerald L.K. Entering the election of 1936 with high hopes, the Union Party, however, received fewer than a million votes.Father`s Coughlin`s broadcasts took on an increasingly anti-semitic tone and he was accused of supporting fascism. During World War II, his superior Edward Cardinal Mooney ordered him to cease his radio broadcasts and his publication Social Justice was barred from the mails. In 1944, his National Union for Social Justice was dissolved and Coughlin dropped out of sight.Despite having built and audience of ten million or more regular listeners, Coughlin was never able to translate his reach into political results. His views were those of a Catholic cleric, but the vast range of Catholic views can be judged by the simultaneous existence of the National Catholic Welfare Conference.


In American History

Coughlin’s use of the radio in these accusations has won him notoriety as the inventor of “hate radio” (Warren). Coughlin’s use of radio broadcast his antisemitism to an audience far broader than enjoyed by earlier demagogues. Long after his popularity passed, Coughlin’s theories about the “international Jewish banking conspiracy” continued to thrive among U.S. right-wing movements.

Charles Edward was born in Hamilton, Ontario, on 22 October 1891, an only child to devoutly Catholic parents. The church and his mother dominated young Charles’s life. Ordained in 1916, Coughlin joined the Basilian religious order and performed standard clerical duties in Catholic parishes in southern Ontario. In 1923 Coughlin left the Basilians and moved to suburban Detroit.


Radio Career and Politics

In 1926 Coughlin received an appointment to a lackluster parish in Royal Oak, Michigan, a small suburb north of Detroit. The parish suffered from low membership, inadequate facilities, and Ku Klux Klan harassment. Through the help of a parishioner, Coughlin began The Little Flower radio program (named after the parish’s patron saint, St. Therese of Liesieux) to raise funds. Coughlin’s histrionic speaking abilities quickly generated interest, and the show expanded in radio markets around the Midwest. Within a year Coughlin broadcast his shows nationwide.

Coughlin’s early broadcasts featured an ironic spirit. As his popularity grew, Coughlin began exploring the roots of social ills such as anti-Catholic bigotry. Mail streamed into the Royal Oak parish, causing Coughlin to hire additional secretaries to manage it. During the Great Depression economic issues appeared in each weekly broadcast.

Coughlin excoriated business interests for bleeding the working class of its of savings and his popularity consequently soared. The United States was a Christian nation, Coughlin claimed, and Americans had certain rights granted by God and the Constitution, such as personal autonomy, private property, and the right to work.

Anything threatening these rights was not only unpatriotic but also quite demonic. In the early 1930s Coughlin created Social Justice, a publication containing his broadcasts and other articles sympathetic to Catholic social reform, to further spread his message (Brinkley Warren).

During the 1932 election Coughlin proclaimed Franklin D. Roosevelt was the only candidate possessing the skills needed to resuscitate the nation. Coughlin fancied himself as one of FDR’s field representatives. The more Coughlin pushed for a federal administrative role, though, the more the Roosevelt administration rebuffed him. During 1934, Coughlin’s broadcasts shifted quickly from praising to critizing Roosevelt and the New Deal.

Coughlin claimed that Roosevelt’s big business connections threatened the very roots of representative democracy. By encouraging his radio audience to write congressional members, Coughlin secured the defeat of Roosevelt’s 1935 attempt to join the World Court as well as the 1938 federal reorganization bill.

Gerald L. K. Smith, an evangelical minister and one of Huey Long’s organizers in Lousiana, convinced Coughlin to unite his immense radio following and populist program with Francis Townsend’s nationwide pension project for elderly Americans. Coughlin and Smith created the National Union Party (NUP) to organize their supporters into a third political party.

Speculation suggested that the NUP possessed ample ability to challenge the Roosevelt juggernaut in 1936. As a priest, Coughlin could not run for office, so he and Smith chose North Dakota congressman William Lemke instead. However, support quickly eroded, Roosevelt swept to victory, and Coughlin and Smith parted ways acrimoniously (Jeansonne Warren).

The National Union for Social Justice, which Coughlin had founded in 1934, continued to pursue a Catholic approach to the nation’s social and economic reform. Coughlin maintained singular control over the National Union’s agenda so that it expressed thoroughly Catholic interpretations of populist solutions.

Antisemitism and Catholicism

U.S. Catholicism’s unreconciled message of U.S. materialism and suffering Christianity hastened Coughlin’s descent to join Smith in antisemitic demagoguery. Coughlin praised Adolf Hitler’s Nazi regime for its success in limiting Jewish influence on German national interests.

Although his popularity shrank during the late 1930s, even after Germany’s Kristallnacht Coughlin still enjoyed millions of supporters. Much of Coughlin’s popular support came from Catholics who felt the priest was their only advocate within the church. He was the one priest willing to criticize the bishops for their extragavant lifestyles.

Coughlin’s Irish heritage provided the intellectual framework for his antisemitism. The writings of Dennis Fahey, a priest who taught Catholic philosophy and social thought in Dublin, blamed social and economic upheavals on Jewish conspiracy.

Besides killing Jesus Christ, Fahey argued, Jews were responsible for the Protestant Reformation, the French Revolution, industrialization’s social problems, and the League of Nations (Athans). Coughlin quickly incorporated Fahey’s antisemitism into his radio broadcasts and Social Justice articles, as the National Union Party suffered its embarrassing election defeat.

In 1938 the magazine reprinted Protocols of the Elders of Zion.When cautioned about its authenticity, Coughlin merely claimed that the document, forgery or not, accurately predicted global events. His radio broadcasts continued to draw connections between the Depression in the United States, armed conflict in Europe, and international Jewish finance.

Coughlin was rumored to have several economic and political contacts with Nazi figures in the United States and Germany. As the United States entered World War II, Coughlin insisted that Jews had started the conflict to advance their own agenda. As federal authorities and Coughlin’s own clerical superiors moved to silence him, the priest alternated between expressions of militant defiance and meek acquiescence.

Coughlin believed that he was the victim of covert forces committed to his destruction. Christ had thrown moneylenders out of the Temple, and consequently had been crucified Coughlin portrayed his silencing along similar lines. Coughlin’s remaining audience, composed mostly of German and Irish Catholics in the urban Northeast, only strengthened its resolve to support the priest.

Silencing and End of Career

Coughlin’s popularity and unrelenting antisemitism caused consternation among the church’s authorities. Catholics had faced significant anti-Catholic animosity as recently as the 1920s, which Coughlin’s early broadcasts noticeably diminished. As Coughlin focused more on politics and antisemitism, church leaders sought to distinguish official teachings from Coughlin’s personal position.

However, Detroit’s Catholic bishop, Michael Gallagher, deflected much of the criticism. After Gallagher’s death in 1937, Detroit’s new bishop, Edward Mooney, sought repeatedly to silence Coughlin, forcing his radio program off the air in 1940.

Members of Christian Front, a nationwide organization Coughlin founded for young Catholic men, were arrested for antigovernment conspiracies and gang violence in Jewish neighborhoods. In 1942 Social Justice ceased publication, and Mooney prohibited Coughlin from speaking or writing on any political matter. Coughlin returned to suburban Detroit’s anonymity.

While he deflected allegations of racism during the 1960s, Coughlin has since been noted as an early precursor to white separatist movements and Holocaust revisionism (Kaplan, 67󈞳 Warren, 5𔃄). His violence-tinged antisemitic rhetoric concerning the international Jewish conspiracy helps explain the connection. Coughlin died in Royal Oak, Michigan, on 27 October 1979.


Fr. Coughlin in The News

Fr. Charles E. Coughlin attacked everyone from Franklin Roosevelt to big coporations in his radio program and his newspaper "Social Justice." Some echos of his populist rhetoric can still be heard in today's political debates.

Here are some of Coughlin's quotes as reported in The Detroit News:

"I believe that when a banker speaks, you can go the opposite way and be right. That has been proved in recent years."
-- March 6, 1934 Fr. Coughlin

". we shall barter our sovereignty as a free, independent nation or accept the decisions of a World Court as a super-nation to manage our affairs . "
"While we sympathize with the Serbian or the Russian, with the Jew in Germany or the Christian in Russia, the major portion of our sympathy is extended to our dispossessed farmer, our disconsolate laborers who are being crushed at this moment while the spirit of internationalism runs rampant in the corridors of the Capitol, hoping to participate in setting the world aright while chaos clamors at our doors."
-- January 28, 1935

"Roosevelt has a poor brand of Russian communism . I think it is significant the leaders among the communists of the world never once attacked international bankers. Roosevelt will not touch that subject."
-- August 31, 1935

"I need not recall for you that both the laboring and agricultural classes of America are forced to work for less than a living wage while the owners of industry boastfully proclaim that their profits are increasing."
-- April 6, 1936

"If Jews persist in supporting communism directly or indirectly, that will be regrettable. By their failure to use the press, the radio and the banking house, where they stand so prominently, to fight communism as vigorously as they fight Naziism, the Jews invite the charge of being supporters of communism."
-- November 28, 1938

"From European entanglements, from Naziism, communism and their future wars, America must stand aloof. Keep America safe for Americans and the Stars and Stripes the defender of God."
-- January 2, 1939

"Must the entire world go to war for 600,000 Jews in Germany who are neither American, nor French, nor English citizens, but citizens of Germany?"
-- January 30, 1939

"On this earth you must belong to the church militant or get the hell out of it. That's the right word. You're either with me or against me' There is no middle ground in this battle between Christ and the anti-Christ. If you step out of (the battle), you're worse than those boys who ran off to Norway, Sweden, those boys who deserted the government. You're deserters, rotten deserters."
-- June 11, 1973


Charles E. Coughlin

Charles E. Coughlin was an American Catholic priest and a popular radio figure of the 1930s. Coughlin ministered at the Shrine of the Little Flower in Royal Oak, Michigan, from 1926 to 1966, when he retired.

In the first year of the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration, Coughlin supported the Democratic president, but broke with him after a short time. Throughout the 1930s Coughlin used his popular weekly radio program — which averaged 3.5 million listeners every week--and his magazine, Social Justice, to spread his ideas and attack his enemies. From 1934 onward Coughlin's targets included Roosevelt, individual Jewish leaders, and Jewish institutions, all branded as Communists.

Coughlin, a right-wing populist, advocated a form of corporatism influenced by Italian Fascism. In 1934, Coughlin organized the National Union for Social Justice through which he argued that neither capitalism nor democracy had a future in America. In 1938 the National Union developed into the Christian Front which was even more ardent in its support of fascism and became a mouthpiece for Nazi propaganda. Subsequently, as war loomed in Europe, Coughlin supported isolationism, charging that Jewish financiers were secretly behind efforts to involve the United States in the war.

Coughlin believed in the existence of a secret world Jewish conspiracy. In 1938, his magazine Social Justice serialized the discredited Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which Coughlin believed to be accurate. This tsarist forgery purported to be the minutes of a conference of Jewish leaders plotting to take over the world.

Coughlin repeatedly used the “Judeo-Bolshevik threat” as a theme, asserting that the entire Soviet leadership, including both Lenin and Joseph Stalin, was Jewish. Coughlin also accused American Jewish financiers, primarily the Wall Street firm of Kuhn-Loeb, of collaboration with the Bolsheviks in their efforts to uproot Christianity in Russia. Publicly proclaiming that he was not an antisemite, Coughlin nevertheless argued that all the ills of modern society were caused by a Communist-Jewish conspiracy.

During the 1930s, Jewish efforts to force Coughlin to tone down his anti-Jewish rhetoric or to get him off the air altogether failed due to his popularity and the support he received from the Bishop of Detroit. Coughlin continued to argue against American participation in World War II even after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. These arguments led to his undoing. When a sedition trial seemed possible, the Bishop of Detroit ordered Coughlin to cease broadcasting and leave politics altogether.

At the height of his popularity, Coughlin received more mail than President Roosevelt. Indeed, a public opinion poll taken in 1938 showed that 25 percent of those polled supported all or most of Coughlin's ideas. Coughlin was thus the most visible of the American right-wing activists during the 1930s and his anti-Semitism deeply troubled American Jewry.

Source: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum's Holocaust Encyclopedia

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University of Detroit Mercy Archives

Abbott, Zane Allen. Radio Preaching in the World War Two Era : The Cases of Harry Emerson Fosdick and Charles Coughlin on War and Peace., 1994.

Athans, Mary Christine. The Coughlin-Fahey Connection : Father Charles E. Coughlin, Father Denis Fahey, C.S. Sp., and Religious Anti-Semitism in the United States, 1938-1954. New York: P. Lang, 1991.

Bennett, David Harry. Demagogues in the Depression American Radicals and the Union Party, 1932-1936. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1969.

Bittelman, Alex. How to Win Social Justice : Can Coughlin and Lemke do it?. New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1936.

Bottini, Carlo Monte. Charles E. Coughlin: A Study in Demagoguery., 1956.

Bouton, Michael Wickham. Depression Era Extremists : A Study of Three Demagogues and their Tactics., 1979.

Brinkley, Alan. Voices of Protest : Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression. 1st ed. New York: Knopf, 1982.

Cannon, James Patrick, and Joseph Hansen. What is American Fascism? : Writings on Father Coughlin, Mayor Frank Hague, and Senator Joseph McCarthy. New York: National Education Dept., Socialist Workers Party, 1976.

Carpenter, Ronald H. Father Charles E. Coughlin : Surrogate Spokesman for the Disaffected. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1998.

Coe, David Terrance. A Rhetorical Study of Selected Radio Speeches of Reverend Charles Edward Coughlin. Ann Arbor: Mich., University Microfilms, 1973.

Colburn, George A. "Father Coughlin and American Foreign Policy : An Irishman's Quest for Revenge." The San Francisco Irish, 1850-1976. San Francisco: , 1978. 112-125.

Coughlin Vs Social Justice. New York:, 1940.

Coughlin, Charles E. A Jubilee Memorial, 1916-1966. Royal Oak, Mich.: A private printing by the Church Committee, 1966.

Cox, James R. Hitler's Hatchet Man! : Address Delivered before the Dormont Rotary Club in Dormont's Methodist Episcopal Church. United States: , Allied Printing), 1920-1940.

Davis, Richard Akin. Radio Priest : The Public Career of Father Charles Edward Coughlin. Chapel Hill: N.C, 1975.

Davis, Richard Akin. Radio Priest the Public Career of Father Charles Edward Coughlin., 1974.

Doherty, Edward. "The Amazing Career of Father Coughlin." Liberty. Dec. 15, 22. 29: , 1934-1935.

The Radio Priest. Dir. Drasnin, Irv, Judy Crichton, WGBH (Television station : Boston, Mass.), et al. 1 videocassette (VHS) (58 min.). PBS Video, 1989.

Ehlen, Thomas Peter. Eine Stimme Amerikas : Charles Couglin Und Die Internationale Politik, 1930-1942. , Koges), 1993.

Father Coughlin: Priest and Politician. New York: Institute for Propaganda Analysis, 1939.

Father Coughlin's Friends. An Answer to Father Coughlin's Critics. Royal Oak: Mich., The Radio League of the Little Flower, 1940.

Friends of Democracy. Father Coughlin : Self Condemned. Kansas City, Mo: Friends of Democracy, 1940.

General Jewish Council. Father Coughlin, His "Facts" and Arguments. New York city:, 1939.

Hansen, Joseph, and Socialist Workers Party. Father Coughlin Fascist Demagogue. 2nd ed. New York: Pioneer Publishers for the Socialist Workers Party, 1939.

Hansen, Joseph, and Socialist Workers Party. Father Coughlin: Fascist Demagogue. New York: Pioneer Publishers, 1930.

Heleniak, Roman Joseph. Father Coughlin: A Priest in Politics., 1962.

Holmes, John Haynes. Father Coughlin, Priest of Radio. New York City: The Community Church, 1934.

Holmes, John Haynes. Senator Long, Father Coughlin, Dr. Townsend: Demagogues Or Deliverers. New York: The Community Church, 1930.

Humanity Guild. Shall Truth Prevail? an Exposé of Intolerance. New York: Humanity Guild, 1939.

Hutting, Albert M. Shrine of the Little Flower : Souvenir Book, Dedicatory Volume. Royal Oak, Mich: Radio League of the Little Flower, 1936.

Jager, Henry. Father Coughlin, Promise Or Menace. New York: H. Jager, 1935.

Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Pittsburgh. Records of Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Pittsburgh, 1928-1959 (Bulk 1935-1950)., 1928-1959.

Kernan, William C. The Ghost of Royal Oak. New York: Free Speech Forum, 1940.

Kramer, Dale. Coughlin, Lemke and the Union Party. Minneapolis: Farmers Book Store, 1978.

Krueger, Pamela. "Fr. Coughlin. with Stormy Times in the Past, the Man Who Magnetized a Nation Talks about His 50 Years in the Service of His Church." Detroit News Pictorial Magazine. June 5: , 1966. 16-24.

Lee, Alfred McClung, Elizabeth Briant Lee, and Institute for Propaganda Analysis. The Fine Art of Propaganda a Study of Father Coughlin's Speeches. New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1939.

Lee, Alfred McClung, Elizabeth Lee, and Institute for Propaganda Analysis. The Fine Art of Propaganda. New York, Octagon Books:, 1972.

Lee, Alfred McClung, Elizabeth Lee, and Institute for Propaganda Analysis. The Fine Art of Propaganda. San Francisco: International Society for General Semantics, 1979.

Magil, A. B., and Charles E. Coughlin. The Truth about Father Coughlin. 2nd rev. ed. New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1935.

Magil, A. B. The Real Father Coughlin. New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1939.

Marcus, Sheldon. Father Coughlin the Tumultuous Life of the Priest of the Little Flower. 1st ed. ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1973.

Marx, Gary T. The Social Basis of the Support of a Depression Era Extremist: Father Coughlin. Berkeley: Calif., University of California, Survey Research Center, 1962.

Marx, Gary Trade. The Social Basis of the Support of a Depression Era Extremist : Father Coughlin., 1962.

Masters, Nicholas A. Father Coughlin and Social Justice a Case Study of a Social Movement., 1900-1988.

The American Experience. the Radio Priest. Dir. McCullough, David G., Irv Drasnin, Judy Crichton, et al. 1 videocassette (58 min.). Drasnin Productions, Alexandria, VA : PBS Video distributor, 1990.

The Radio Priest. Dir. McCullough, David G., Irv Drasnin, Drasnin Productions, et al. 1 videocassette (VHS) (60 min.). 1988.

The Radio Priest. Dir. McCullough, David G., WGBH (Television station : Boston, Mass.), WNET (Television station : New York, N.Y.), et al. 1 videocassette (VHS) (58 min.). PBS Video, 1989.

McRainey, Sharon Ann. Father Charles Coughlin and Argument from Genus., 1982.

Mugglebee, Ruth. Father Coughlin of the Shrine of the Little Flower an Account of the Life, Work and Message of Reverend Charles E. Coughlin. Boston: L.C. Page & Co, 1933.

Mugglebee, Ruth. Father Coughlin, the Radio Priest, of the Shrine of the Little Flower. an Account of the Life, Work and Message of Reverend Charles E. Coughlin. Garden City, N.Y: Garden City Pub. Co, 1933.

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Riley, W. B. The Philosophies of Father Coughlin, Four Sermons. Grand Rapids: Mich., Zondervan Pub. House, 1935.

Sauder, Virgil E., Goshen College, and History Senior Seminar. "Farmers Feed the World" an Essay on the Political Outlook of Menno S. Yoder., 1997.

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Coughlin's Antisemitic Views

During the 1920s, Coughlin’s antisemitic views were muted on the air. After his split with Roosevelt and with the rise of National Socialism and fascism in Europe, however, he attacked Jews explicitly in his broadcasts. Some historians attribute this change to Coughlin taking advantage of rising antisemitism around the world in order to keep himself relevant. Based on his speeches, writings, and associations, however, he appears to have had significant antisemitic sentiment throughout his career.

In the days and weeks after Kristallnacht , Coughlin defended the state-sponsored violence of the Nazi regime. He argued that Kristallnacht was justified as retaliation for Jewish persecution of Christians. He explained to his listeners on November 20, 1938, that the “communistic government of Russia,” “the Lenins and Trotskys…atheistic Jews and Gentiles,” had murdered more than 20 million Christians and had stolen “40 billion [dollars]…of Christian property.”

For years Coughlin publicly derided “international bankers,” a phrase that most of his listeners understood to mean Jewish bankers. Such antisemitic views were expressed on the pages of Social Justice . In a series of articles published in 1938, Coughlin lambasted “Jewish” financiers and their control over world politics. These articles culminated with a story recounting his own version of the infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion . This antisemitic publication falsely purported to be minutes from meetings of Jewish leaders who were plotting to take over the world.


American Experience

Reverend Charles E. Coughlin

One of the first public figures to make effective use of the airwaves, Charles E. Coughlin, was for a time one of the most influential personalities on American radio. At the height of his popularity in the early 1930s, some 30 million listeners tuned in to hear his emotional messages. Many of his speeches were rambling, disorganized, repetitious, and as time went by, they became increasingly full of bigoted rhetoric. But as a champion of the poor, a foe of big business, and a critic of federal indifference in the face of widespread economic distress, he spoke to the hopes and fears of lower-middle class Americans throughout the country. Years later, a supporter remembered the excitement of attending one of his rallies: "When he spoke it was a thrill like Hitler. And the magnetism was uncanny. It was so intoxicating, there's no use saying what he talked about. "

Born into a devoutly religious Catholic family on October 25, 1891, Coughlin grew up in a comfortable middle-class home in Toronto. He was ordained into the Catholic priesthood in 1916. By 1926, Coughlin had made a strong impression on the bishop of Detroit, who authorized him to build the Shrine of the Little Flower. Typical of Coughlin's dramatic excesses, the church he constructed, which was intended to serve a small parish of some two dozen families, could seat about 600. For pews Coughlin installed theater seats.

In 1927 Coughlin offered the first Catholic services on the radio. They were an immediate success. Part of Coughlin's appeal can be credited to his understanding of what the American public wanted to hear, but many attributed his popularity in part to the sound of his mellifluous voice. Writer Wallace Stegner described it as a "voice of such mellow richness, such manly, heart-warming confidential intimacy, such emotional and ingratiating charm, that anyone tuning past it almost automatically returned to hear it again." In the fall of 1930, CBS picked up Coughlin's radio show, broadcasting it over a national network for the first time. The priest began receiving approximately 80,000 letters a week.

In the 1932 presidential election campaign, Coughlin was a staunch supporter of FDR, avowing that it was either "Roosevelt or Ruin." For Coughlin, the highlight of the campaign was an invitation to speak at the Democratic National Convention. Although FDR had borrowed some of Coughlin's rhetoric, after his election victory, he moved to distance himself from the radio priest. Coughlin grew more critical of the Roosevelt Administration. In November of 1934, Coughlin set up his own organization, the National Union for Social Justice. Two years later he began publishing a nationally circulating paper called "Social Justice" and, as his public identification with Roosevelt's New Deal politics waned, he began to seek closer grounds with some of the most right-wing and reactionary groups in the country.

Although anti-Semitic themes appeared in some of Coughlin's speeches fairly early in his career, it wasn't until the late 1930s that the priest's rhetoric became increasingly filled with attacks on Jews. By 1938, the pages of "Social Justice" were frequently filled with accusations about Jewish control of America's financial institutions. In the summer of that year, Coughlin published a version of "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion." A virulently anti-Semitic piece of propaganda that had originated in Russia at the turn of the century, the "Protocols" accused Jews of planning to seize control of the world. Jewish leaders were shocked by Coughlin's actions.

Later that year, the radio priest delivered perhaps his most startling and hateful speech to date. In response to the November 10, 1938, "Kristallnacht" attack on Jews in German-controlled territory, Coughlin began by asking, "Why is there persecution in Germany today?" He went on to explain that "Jewish persecution only followed after Christians first were persecuted."

The owner of WMCA, the New York station that carried Coughlin's show, refused to broadcast Coughlin's next radio message. The Nazi press reacted to the news with fury: "America is Not Allowed to Hear the Truth" declared one headline. "Jewish organizations camouflaged as American. have conducted such a campaign. that the radio station company has proceeded to muzzle the well-loved Father Coughlin." A "New York Times" correspondent in Germany noted that Coughlin had become for the moment "the hero of Nazi Germany."


Coughlin, Father Charles

Background: Born in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada on October 25, 1891 to Irish-Catholic parents, Thomas J. Coughlin and Amelia Coughlin, Charles Edward Coughlin grew up under strict Catholic rule. He grew fond of the idea of joining the priesthood as a teen. Coughlin graduated from the University of Toronto in 1911. He then attended St. Basil’s Seminary in Toronto, and was ordained as a Catholic priest in 1916. Father Coughlin taught for seven years at the Assumption College in Windsor, Ontario, and then moved to the United States in 1923, by way of Detroit, Michigan.

Career: It was in Detroit that Father Coughlin began his broadcasts on radio, on WJR in 1926, where he preached a weekly sermon. By the early 1930s the content of his broadcasts had shifted from theology to economics and politics, just as the rest of the nation was concerned by matters economic and political as a result of the Depression. Until 1931, when the station was unexpectedly dropped, CBS had provided free sponsorship. Determined to keep his broadcasts alive, Father Coughlin raised the necessary money, and continued to reach out to millions of listeners. He was one of the first political leaders to use the medium of radio to reach a mass audience, as possibly thirty million listeners tuned to his weekly broadcasts during the 1930s.

Father Coughlin’s influence on Depression-era America was enormous. In the early 1930s, Coughlin was, arguably, one of the most influential men in America. Millions of Americans listened to his weekly radio broadcast. At the height of his popularity, one-third of the nation was tuned into his weekly broadcasts. Coughlin had a well-developed theory of what he termed “social justice,” predicated on monetary “reforms.” He began as an early supporter of Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt, coining a famous expression, that the nation’s choice was between “Roosevelt or ruin.”

Father Coughlin viewed President Roosevelt as a radical social reformer like himself. Roosevelt’s rhetoric during his inaugural address implicitly promised to “drive the money changers from the temple.” This was music to Coughlin’s ears since a core part of his own message was monetary reform. Roosevelt’s early monetary policy seemed to fulfill this promise and so Coughlin viewed him as the savior of the nation. But when FDR failed to follow-on with additional radical reforms, Coughlin turned against him. By 1936, he would support a third-party candidacy against FDR’s reelection bid and would even say this of Roosevelt:

“The great betrayer and liar, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who promised to drive the money changers from the temple, had succeeded [only] in driving the farmers from their homesteads and the citizens from their homes in the cities. . . I ask you to purge the man who claims to be a Democrat, from the Democratic Party, and I mean Franklin Double-Crossing Roosevelt.”

Later in the 1930s he became one of the president’s harshest critics. His program of “social justice” was a very radical challenge to capitalism and to many of the political

institutions of his day. Although his core message was one of economic populism, his sermons also included attacks on prominent Jewish figures–attacks that many people considered evidence of anti-Semitism.

The years to come were perhaps the most damaging in the public’s eye. After the election in 1936, Father Coughlin became a sympathetic supporter of the fascist policies of Hitler and Mussolini. His CBS radio broadcasts were blatantly aimed at the Jewish community, citing that “international conspiracy of Jewish bankers” caused the Great Depression, and that Jewish bankers were behind the Russian Revolution. Coughlin then published a newspaper, Social Justice, in which the anti-Semitic views became even more poignant and forthright. After Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor and the ensuing declaration of war in December of 1941, Coughlin and other isolationists were viewed as sympathetic to the enemy.

In 1942, the Catholic community had enough of Father Coughlin’s outspoken views, and the new bishop of Detroit ordered Coughlin to cease and desist with any and all political activities and return to the duties of a parish priest. Coughlin immediately complied and remained the pastor of the Shrine of the Little Flower until 1966, when he retired. Until his death October 25, 1979 at the age of 88, in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, Coughlin continued to write pamphlets denouncing Communism.

Social Security Administration History: www.ssa.gov/history

Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia: http://en.wikipedia.org

Father Coughlin, The Radio Priest : Political Views, Old Time Radio, And Religion: www.fathercoughlin.org

Books about Father Coughlin:

Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval, 1935-1936. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2003. (Originally published in 1960.)

Marcus, Sheldon. Father Coughlin: The Tumultuous Life Of The Priest Of The Little Flower. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1972. ISBN 0-316-54596-1

How to Cite this Article (APA Format): Hansan, J.E. (2013). Coughlin, Father Charles. Social Welfare History Project. Retrieved [date accessed] from http://socialwelfare.library.vcu.edu/eras/great-depression/coughlin-father-charles/

Resources related to this topic may be found in the Social Welfare History Image Portal.


Father Charles Coughlin occupied both a strange and a familiar place in American politics in the 1930s. Politically radical, a passionate democrat, he nevertheless was a bigot who freely vented angry, irrational charges and assertions. A Catholic priest, he broadcast weekly radio sermons that by 1930 drew as many as forty-five million listeners. Strongly egalitarian, deeply suspicious of elites, a champion of what he saw as the ordinary person’s rights, Coughlin frequently and vigorously attacked capitalism, communism, socialism, and dictatorship By the mid-1930s, his talks took on a nasty edge as he combined harsh attacks on Roosevelt as the tool of international Jewish bankers with praise for the fascist leaders Benito Mussolini and Adolph Hitler. The “Radio Priest’s” relentless anti-elitism pushed Roosevelt to sharpen his own critiques of elites, and in that sense Coughlin had a powerful impact on American politics beyond his immediate radio audience. This 1937 sermon, “Twenty Years Ago,” reflected much of what made Coughlin popular.

Charles Coughlin: What of democracy as well as what of capitalism?

Oh, capitalism shall never again flourish as once it did. Capitalism has been almost taxed out of existence in an effort to meet the coupons and the bonds, in an effort to meet the dole system that is absolutely unnecessary in a country of our wealth.

And democracy? All we who twenty years ago entered a war to fight its battles to make the world safe for democracy, tonight we stand aghast because its last fortification, its last tower of strength, the Supreme Court of America, who has been a protector of the rights of the poor, who has been the protector of the rights of the rich, who has been the protector of the liberties of all, is now assailed and is now the target for those who blame it for our misdemeanors and who blame it for the Depression and the following misery which eventuated from it.

Somebody must be blamed, of course. But those in power always forget to blame themselves. They always forget to read the Constitution of the United States of America that says, “Congress has the power to issue and regulate the value of money.” And blinding their eyes to that as they protect the private issuance of money and the private fixation of money, we are going merrily on our way.

Perhaps, perhaps another ambassador from another foreign capital shall come upon the scene. Perhaps, despite the advice of Washington of no foreign entanglements, despite the passage of the Jansen Act, which forbids us to lend money to those who already have borrowed it and who have not returned their loans, perhaps despite those things, some way, some miraculous way shall be found to project America into the next maelstrom. And democracy once more, thinking that it has power within its soul, shall rise up to clap and applaud, because the youth of the land is going abroad to make the world safe for what? Safe for dictatorship? Safe against communism abroad when we have communism at home? Safe from socialism in France when we have socialism in America? Or safe, safe for the international bankers?

I ask you to think seriously of your decisions last November. You have asked for the New Deal that is an ancient deal in all its finance. You have what you asked for. I ask you to abide by your decision. You have been warned a thousand times. Those who warned you should now bow their heads. Even though truth be on their side, you have paid the price, democratic America. And now it is your turn to bear the burden in silence like men keeping America safe for democracy.


American Experience

Reverend Charles E. Coughlin

One of the first public figures to make effective use of the airwaves, Charles E. Coughlin, was for a time one of the most influential personalities on American radio. At the height of his popularity in the early 1930s, some 30 million listeners tuned in to hear his emotional messages. Many of his speeches were rambling, disorganized, repetitious, and as time went by, they became increasingly full of bigoted rhetoric. But as a champion of the poor, a foe of big business, and a critic of federal indifference in the face of widespread economic distress, he spoke to the hopes and fears of lower-middle class Americans throughout the country. Years later, a supporter remembered the excitement of attending one of his rallies: "When he spoke it was a thrill like Hitler. And the magnetism was uncanny. It was so intoxicating, there's no use saying what he talked about. "

Born into a devoutly religious Catholic family on October 25, 1891, Coughlin grew up in a comfortable middle-class home in Toronto. He was ordained into the Catholic priesthood in 1916. By 1926, Coughlin had made a strong impression on the bishop of Detroit, who authorized him to build the Shrine of the Little Flower. Typical of Coughlin's dramatic excesses, the church he constructed, which was intended to serve a small parish of some two dozen families, could seat about 600. For pews Coughlin installed theater seats.

In 1927 Coughlin offered the first Catholic services on the radio. They were an immediate success. Part of Coughlin's appeal can be credited to his understanding of what the American public wanted to hear, but many attributed his popularity in part to the sound of his mellifluous voice. Writer Wallace Stegner described it as a "voice of such mellow richness, such manly, heart-warming confidential intimacy, such emotional and ingratiating charm, that anyone tuning past it almost automatically returned to hear it again." In the fall of 1930, CBS picked up Coughlin's radio show, broadcasting it over a national network for the first time. The priest began receiving approximately 80,000 letters a week.

In the 1932 presidential election campaign, Coughlin was a staunch supporter of FDR, avowing that it was either "Roosevelt or Ruin." For Coughlin, the highlight of the campaign was an invitation to speak at the Democratic National Convention. Although FDR had borrowed some of Coughlin's rhetoric, after his election victory, he moved to distance himself from the radio priest. Coughlin grew more critical of the Roosevelt Administration. In November of 1934, Coughlin set up his own organization, the National Union for Social Justice. Two years later he began publishing a nationally circulating paper called "Social Justice" and, as his public identification with Roosevelt's New Deal politics waned, he began to seek closer grounds with some of the most right-wing and reactionary groups in the country.

Although anti-Semitic themes appeared in some of Coughlin's speeches fairly early in his career, it wasn't until the late 1930s that the priest's rhetoric became increasingly filled with attacks on Jews. By 1938, the pages of "Social Justice" were frequently filled with accusations about Jewish control of America's financial institutions. In the summer of that year, Coughlin published a version of "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion." A virulently anti-Semitic piece of propaganda that had originated in Russia at the turn of the century, the "Protocols" accused Jews of planning to seize control of the world. Jewish leaders were shocked by Coughlin's actions.

Later that year, the radio priest delivered perhaps his most startling and hateful speech to date. In response to the November 10, 1938, "Kristallnacht" attack on Jews in German-controlled territory, Coughlin began by asking, "Why is there persecution in Germany today?" He went on to explain that "Jewish persecution only followed after Christians first were persecuted."

The owner of WMCA, the New York station that carried Coughlin's show, refused to broadcast Coughlin's next radio message. The Nazi press reacted to the news with fury: "America is Not Allowed to Hear the Truth" declared one headline. "Jewish organizations camouflaged as American. have conducted such a campaign. that the radio station company has proceeded to muzzle the well-loved Father Coughlin." A "New York Times" correspondent in Germany noted that Coughlin had become for the moment "the hero of Nazi Germany."


Primary Sources

(1) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (October, 1930)

According to the New York Times of October 1st, 1930, these dividends for the first nine months of 1930 amounted to $3,621,000,000 as compared with $2,395,000,000 during the same nine months of 1929.

In the great year of prosperity, 1929, industries upon which forty per cent of our wage earners depend for a living actually employed 900,000 fewer wage earners than they did in the meager year of 1919 although the business handled was far greater. In manufacturing, our factories fabricated forty-two per cent more products with 546,000 fewer wage earners, our railroads increased their business by seven per cent with 253,000 fewer employees.

(2) Charles Coughlin, Radio Discourses: 1931-32 (1933)

I remember that on March 7, 1930, more than one year and a half ago, the former Secretary of Commerce, Mr. Hoover, announced: "All evidences indicate that the worst effect of the crash of unemployment will have passed within the next sixty days." That was in the spring of 1930. I recollect that he and hundreds of others to whom 10,000 facts were well-known were busy preaching to us that prosperity was just around the corner. It appears to have been a circular corner to which they referred a corner which if we could turn, we would not be willing to negotiate if it fore-shadows a repetition of these recent occurrences for the children of generations to come.

(3) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (17th January, 1934)

President Roosevelt is not going to make a mistake, for God Almighty is guiding him. President Roosevelt has leadership, he has followers and he is the answer to many prayers that were sent up last year.

If Congress fails to carry through with the President's suggestions, I foresee a revolution far greater than the French Revolution. It is either Roosevelt or Ruin.

(4) Charles Coughlin explained to John M. Carlisle how he prepared his radio sermons. The article was published in the New York Times Magazine on 29th October, 1933.

I write the discourse, first in my own language, the language of a cleric. Then I rewrite it, using metaphors the public can grasp, toning the phrases down to the language of the man-in-the-street. Radio broadcasting, I have found, must not be high hat. It must be human, intensely human. It must be simple.

(5) Wallace Stegner, The Radio Priest and His Flock (1949)

Father Coughlin had a voice of such mellow richness, such manly, heartwarming, confidential intimacy, such emotional and ingratiating charm, that anyone tuning past it on the radio dial almost automatically returned to hear it again. It was without doubt one of the great speaking voices of the twentieth century. It was a voice made for promises.

(6) John O'Connor, speech in Congress (18th February, 1936)

Every decent Catholic in America has been ashamed of him since he came to this country. There isn't a clergyman of the Catholic Church except one (Bishop Gallagher of Detroit) that I know of who has approved of his desecration of the cloth by his intrusion into politics.

I personally never heard a Catholic priest talk politics from the pulpit. In the old days of prohibition and the KKK the cry of many of us to Bishop Cannon was "Back to the pulpit. Stay where you belong."

Just because Father Coughlin is an egomaniac he thinks he can run the government. He stepped into the bonus and world court issues, but had as much to do with Congressional action on them as any elevator operator in the Capital.

(7) Charles Edward Coughlin, Principles of the National Union of Social Justice (1936)

Establishing my principles upon upon this preamble, namely, that we are all creatures of a beneficent God, made to love and serve Him in this world and to enjoy Him forever in the next and that all this world's wealth of field and forest, of mine and river has been bestowed upon us by a kind Father, therefore, I believe that wealth as we know it originates from the natural resources and from the labor which the sons of God expend upon these resources. It is all ours except for the harsh, cruel and grasping ways of wicked men who first concentrated wealth into the hands of a few, then dominated states and finally commenced to pit state against state in the frightful catastrophes of commercial warfare.

With this as a preamble, then, these following shall be the principles of social justice towards whose realization we must strive.

1. I believe in the right of liberty of conscience and liberty of education, not permitting the state to dictate either my worship to my God or my chosen avocation in life.

2.1 believe that every citizen willing to work and capable of working shall receive a just and living annual wage which will enable him to maintain and educate his family according to the standards of American decency.

3. I believe in nationalizing those public necessities which by their very nature are too important to be held in the control of private individuals. By these I mean banking, credit and currency, power, light, oil and natural gas and our God-given natural resources.

4. I believe in private ownership of all other property.

5. I believe in upholding the right to private property yet in controlling it for the public good.

6. I believe in the abolition of the privately owned Federal Reserve Banking system and in the establishment of a Government owned Central Bank.

7. I believe in rescuing from the hands of private owners the right to coin and regulate the value of money, which right must be restored to Congress where it belongs.

8. I believe that one of the chief duties of this Government owned Central Bank is to maintain the cost of living on an even keel and the repayment of dollar debts with equal value dollars.

9. I believe in the cost of production plus a fair profit for the farmer.

10. I believe not only in the right of the laboring man to organize in unions but also in the duty of the Government which that laboring man supports to facilitate and to protect these organizations against the vested interests of wealth and of intellect.

11 . I believe in the recall of all non-productive bonds and thereby in the alleviation of taxation.

12. I believe in the abolition of tax-exempt bonds.

13. I believe in the broadening of the base of taxation founded upon the ownership of wealth and the capacity to pay.

14. I believe in the simplification of government, and the further lifting of crushing taxation from the slender revenues of the laboring class.

15. I believe that in the event of a war for the defense of our nation and its liberties, there shall be a conscription of wealth as well as a conscription of men.

16. I believe in preferring the sanctity of human rights to the sanctity of property rights. I believe that the chief concern of government shall be for the poor because, as it is witnessed, the rich have ample means of their own to care for themselves.

These are my beliefs. These are the fundamentals of the organization which I present to you under the name of the National Union for Social Justice. It is your privilege to reject or accept my beliefs to follow me or repudiate me.

(8) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (5th April, 1937)

To learn social justice to organize against sit-down legislatures and Congressmen to battle Communism, Fascism and anti-Christianity wherever and whenever it is possible to cure democracy before it withers and perishes to protect our Supreme Court to oppose the evils of modern capitalism without joining in the excesses of radical labor organizers and to secure an honest dollar and an honest living for all Americans.

(9) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (11th April, 1938)

America will soon taste the bitter tears of a worse depression than 1929. You will live to see your meager pocketbooks fail to meet the costs of foodstuffs.

You will live to see before next April a depression setting in, in this country, that will make Mr. Hoover look like an archangel by comparison.

Any jackass can spend money. Any crackpot with money at his disposal can build for himself a dictatorial crown. It takes no brains to be liberal with other people's money.

It is time for the American public to perform a sit-down strike - not on industry, not on men of commerce, but on politicians. They are sitting down on you, waiting for the government executioner, waiting for the last chapter of the Bill of Rights to be burned at the stake like a witch, waiting for the Supreme Court to put its head on the chopping block.

(10) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (25th July, 1938)

The term "Popular Front" was coined by European Communists as an appealing smoke-screen behind which to conceal their subversive destructionism.

The moniker "Democratic Front" is the latest catchpole by which the Browderites hope to ensnare deluded Americans in a Red web. Never in the history of language has a word been so misused as "democracy" by Communists in this country. The fact that they have the effrontery to use the word despite what has happened under Communism in Russia, Spain and Mexico is some indication of their contempt for the intelligence of American citizens.

If there must be "fronts," let us have a Christian Front!

Not a "front" to throttle, enslave and destroy America, but one to preserve America as one of the last frontiers of human liberty!

Outside of practical Christianity in the United States, all is darkness, confusion and despair. On one side stand the unrelenting rocks of greedy industrial capitalism. On the other, billowing swells of mistreated workers are being

gradually rolled up into a Communist sea.

Without applied Christianity there can be no charity on one side, no peace on the other.

Then - let us have a Christian Front!

A Christian Front made up of Catholics and Protestants who still believe that America, as it is now, is capable of containing both capital and labor under conditions of progress and mutual co-operation.

A Christian Front that will force industrial capitalism to yield to labor a fairer share of the nation's wealth.

A Christian Front of such solidity and energy as will curb the Molochs of international finance and will restore to the Congress of the United States its Constitutional right to issue and regulate the money of this Nation.

A Christian Front that will never compromise with Communism, Fascism, Nazism or any other movement tending to destroy representative government.

A Christian Front that will not temporize for a moment with the hypocrisy of subversive agents who attempt by mealy-mouthed insincerity to show "there is nothing irreconcilable between Christianity and Communism."

A Christian Front which is not afraid of the word "fascist" because it knows the word "fascist" is merely bandied about as part of Communism's offense mechanism.

A Christian Front which will not tear to be called "anti-Semitic," because it knows the term "anti-Semitic" is only another pet phrase of castigation in Communism's glossary of attack.

A Christian Front that will be for America at Washington - not against America from Moscow!

(11) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (21st November, 1938)

Is it not true that Communism has made progress in the world - Communism which is anti-Christ, anti-God, anti-liberty, anti-Christian and only pro-Semite as long as the Semites do not practice their own ancient religion?

Is it not true that some unseen force has woven the threads of international banking to the detriment of civilization that a godless force is dominating industry, has monopolized control of many industrial activities, has used governments as their servants, and has been instrumental in flinging one nation against another nation's throat?

Is it not true that even the so-called freedom of the press and of the radio is questionable when we view the propaganda which niters through the ether to the detriment of peace and prosperity?

Is it not true that gold, the international medium of exchange, has been concentrated in the hands of a few private individuals while nations languished, poverty-stricken, with want in the midst of plenty?

Is it not true that there is an intensification of armament building that discord and hostility are being sown throughout the world that we are being conditioned to expect the outbreak of a universal war?

(12) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (28th November, 1938)

Believe me, my friends, it is in all charity that I speak these words as I seek to discover the causes that produced the effect known as Nazis - Nazism which was evolved to act as a defense mechanism against the incursions of Communism. Let us not forget the object of this discussion. My purpose is to contribute a worthwhile suggestion to eradicate from this world its mania for persecution.

(13) John Cogley, editor of the Chicago Catholic Worker, letter to Charles Coughlin (22nd May, 1939)

In a sense you are the most powerful Catholic voice in the United States today. You are a unique priest. You are heartily disliked. You are genuinely beloved. You are a definite, undeniable force on what novelists like to call the American scene. Your opinions sway millions you dismay millions more.

You were a pioneer, and nobody who is devoted to the cause of social justice can forget that it was you who first made the word encyclical a part of America's working vocabulary.

But there is an unmistakable group of your faithful friends, violent supporters of you and your program, that have come popularly to be called "Coughlinites." They get into people's hair. They get into mine. At times they probably get into yours. They are probably good simple people who don't have much sense, and it should not reflect on you that they have rallied beneath your banner.

This "fringe" has become notorious for its burning anti-Semitism, and they have persisted in canonizing you as the patron of prejudice. They have become psychotic on the question of Jews. They are using your controversial Russian revolutionist figures to justify a senseless, unchristian attitude toward Mrs. Cohen, the delicatessen lady around the corner, and Meyer, the insurance collector. They have confused your anti-Communism campaign with an anti-Semitism campaign.

These Christians, many of them Catholics who are known as "Coughlinites," have the thing all balled up. Something should be done to set them right. Somebody should talk to them. They would listen if you did. What you could say would help to make up for the pain and insult many innocent, godly Jews have received from your confused followers.

(14) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (5th June, 1939)

When, either in speech or writing, have I advocated Nazism? It is true that I have regarded it as a defense mechanism against Communism. It is true - this following statement is supported by incontestable facts - that many Jews were among those responsible for furthering Communism in Germany and bringing that country to such a despondent state that Nazism became a reality.

(15) Charles Coughlin, interviewed by Edward Doherty, The Liberty magazine (12th August, 1939)

The average Jew, the kind we admire and respect, has been placed in jeopardy by his guilty leaders. He pays for their Godlessness, their persecution of Christians, their attempts to poison the whole world with Communism.

My purpose is to help eradicate from the world its mania for persecution, to help align all good men. Catholic and Protestant, Jew and Gentile, Christian and non-Christian, in a battle to stamp out the ferocity, the barbarism and the hate of this bloody era. I want the good Jews with me, and I'm called a Jew baiter, an anti-Semite.

I am anti-Communist and anti-Nazi. I am an American. No true American can favor either Communism or Nazism. We must admit, though, that pro-Communist sentiment is growing in America. Newspaper and radio propaganda is responsible along with the shallow thinking of those exposed to that propaganda. In order to whip up sentiment for Communism our people are being flooded with accounts of Nazi atrocities. You almost never hear anything or read anything about Communist persecutions.

(16) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (9th September, 1940)

On previous occasions Congressmen have called for the impeachment of the President.

On those occasions most citizens disagreed with the Congressmen.

At length, however, an event has transpired which now marks Franklin D. Roosevelt as a dangerous citizen of the Republic - dangerous insofar as he has transcended the bounds of his Executive position.

In plain language, without the knowledge or consent of Congress, he has denuded this country of thirty-six flying fortresses, either selling or giving them to Great Britain.

By this action Franklin D. Roosevelt had torpedoed our national defense, loving Great Britain more than the United States.

He has consorted with the enemies of civilization - through the continued recognition of Soviet Russia.

He has deceived the citizens of the United States - telling the newspaper reporters, who are the people's eyes and ears at Washington, that he did not know the whereabouts of these flying fortresses.

He has transcended the bounds of his Executive position - spurning the authority of Congress.

He has invited the enmity of powerful foreign nations- on whose natural resources we depend for essential tin and rubber.

Because he has encouraged the British government to reopen the Burma Road, and encouraged Britain to declare war on the German government, when Britain was unable to care for the English people - he stands revealed as the world's chief war-monger.

All these events, culminating with the transfer of these 36 flying fortresses without the consent of Congress, demand that he be impeached.

(17) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (8th December, 1941)

Stalin's idea to create world revolution and Hitler's so- called threat to seek world domination are not half as dangerous combined as is the proposal of the current British and American administrations to seize all raw materials in the world.

Many people are beginning to wonder who they should fear most - the Roosevelt-Churchill combination or the Hitler-Mussolini combination.


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